The late US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who passed away at age 84, was considered arguably the most significant occupants of that position in the nation's history. Whereas numerous second-in-commands had to settle for minor or figurehead positions, Cheney wielded substantial influence during the presidency of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was commonly called as the "true president".
Bush disliked such a characterisation and stated the connection was more nuanced. He pointed out that Cheney was respectful, consistently addressing him in public settings as Mr President, while he addressed him as Dick. Bush questioned even characterisations of their relationship as a partnership because it suggested that they were on equal footing. In spite of these objections, Cheney viewed the easygoing president accommodating on a whole raft of policy decisions.
A Aftermath of 9/11
Leading of a group of neo-cons that featured military head Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in answer to the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington. When of the 9/11 attack, Bush had been taking part in a meeting at a school in Florida. While Bush headed for a underground facility in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, commanding the downing of any unidentified aircraft nearing the US Capitol.
Cheney stated the attacks altered his perspective, making him become focused on revenge. In conjunction with other conservative figures, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a occupation of Afghanistan in an attempt to capture Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the military action of Iraq, even though there was no evidence of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Debated Policies
He expressed no regrets about the invasion, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis perished, and not about the enhanced interrogation of suspects apprehended after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion, which was predicated on faulty reports circulated by Cheney, was the proper course of action. "It was the correct action to do at that time. I was convinced at the time and I hold that view presently."
However even at the time, there were contrary opinions at a high level about the mishandling of Iraq. One of the White House's own special envoys to the area, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was dismissed from the post. "I observed, as a baseline," he subsequently stated "obvious failure, carelessness, and irresponsibility: potentially, lying, ineptitude, and graft."
Wider Perspective
Cheney was not entirely accountable for the Iraq campaign. Before 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for comparable steps. He had drafted a memorandum detailing circumstances in which national priorities might be threatened (featuring "access to essential resources, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "the US should be postured to act independently when cooperative measures cannot be orchestrated," specifically citing military moves against Iraq.
Bush too had assumed the Oval Office somewhat determined on implementing what his predecessor had famously refused to do in 1991; topple Saddam. Subsequent to he had been dismissed by the president, the treasury secretary Paul O'Neill disclosed how, at the first meeting of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his objective of reducing America's participation in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and mooted armed intervention against Iraq.
Bush held a personal grudge against Saddam, convinced he had been behind a scheme to kill his father, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He also resented that one of the biggest accommodations in Baghdad had a surface artwork with a image of his predecessor's visage that all visitors had to walk over.
Interrogation Methods
Yet it was Cheney who was among the most vociferous advocating invading Iraq, frequently citing information documents that were either insubstantial or completely misleading. He backed what the Bush administration politely called as "enhanced interrogation", the use of waterboarding and physical pressure.
Addressing a Senate analysis in 2014 that determined that no valuable data had been obtained through the torture, Cheney dismissed the conclusions as "full of crap". He told Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to establish protocols and establish procedures to capture the perpetrators who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and ensure it never happened again. That was specifically what they did and they earn a lot of credit."
Public Image
Cheney reveled in monikers assigned to him by detractors such as the dark character and The Prince of Darkness, and by the concept that he was a shadow power controlling Bush. In the author's 2013 publication about the pair, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is reported as stating: "Am I the evil genius in the background that nobody ever sees leave his hole? It's a advantageous way to function, in fact."
Corporate Connections
Controversy over his corporate affiliations pursued him during his tenure as VP. While he had minimal expertise in commerce but good contacts in defence, especially in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's largest oil and gas conglomerates, in 1995 as leader and top executive.
In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's running mate for the White House. Contentiously, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was given US deals totaling substantial sums.
It significantly boosted his finances. His annual income during his time at the corporation rose from his $258,394 while Pentagon chief to millions. When he left in 2000 he had a severance arrangement totaling in excess of $20m|twenty
